The U.S. imposed new sanctions on senior leaders of Myanmar’s military junta on Monday—the eve of the one-year anniversary of their overthrow of the country’s democratically elected government and imprisonment of its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi .

The U.S., joined by the U.K., and Canada, announced sanctions on officials who helped prosecute Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the National League for Democracy. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate was arrested in the Feb. 1, 2021 coup . Myanmar courts have sentenced her to a total of six years in prison as of Jan. 10—but she faces additional charges.

Washington also slapped penalties on the scion of the Kyaw Thaung family , who the New York Times reported has strong ties to the Myanmar military and helped it procure equipment. The sanctions also targeted a Myanmar government agency responsible for procuring arms for the military, which is known locally as the Tatmadaw.

But activists and Myanmar watchers say that the targeted sanctions will do little to deter a brutal regime that is increasingly isolated from the West and determined to put down resistance to its rule with violent repression. More than 1,500 people have been killed in encounters with the junta across the country, according to human rights group Assistance Association of Political Prisoners.

“I think it’s fair to say that the West has had little leverage in Myanmar both politically and on the ground since the coup,” says John Nielsen, Senior Analyst at Danish Institute for International Studies and former Danish Ambassador to Myanmar.

Pro-democracy protesters have long called on the international community to find ways to cut off the junta’s revenue streams. And since last year’s coup, several Western firms—including energy giants TotalEnergies of France and Chevron of the U.S.—have vowed to pull business out of Myanmar due to human rights abuses in the country.

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Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and other members of the Tatmadaw were already under sanction by the U.S. and other nations. Human Rights Watch has urged the United Nations Security Council to impose a legally-binding global arms embargo on Myanmar.

But in addition to punitive measures, Burmese exiles say the international community must work to protect people suffering under the junta’s rule. London-based Burmese activist and scholar Maung Zarni says neighboring states should open their borders to Burmese refugees who flee from the Tatmadaw.

They are also wary of dialogue with the military leaders, which neighboring countries including some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), favor. Nay San Lwin, a co-founder of the Free Rohingya Coalition, a global network of Rohingya activists and allies, says many Burmese protesters feel such talks will only serve to cement the coup-leaders’ legitimacy.

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But not everyone is shunning the Tatmadaw. Russia has been criticized for warming up to Myanmar post-coup, continuing to sell arms and its officials attending junta-led events . China also has ongoing dealings with Myanmar, but has taken a more ambivalent stance: It urged ”to restart the democratic process ” in the Southeast Asian country while engaging with both the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed forces. “China’s primary objectives in Myanmar is to ensure stability at the borders and get access to the Indian Ocean through an economic corridor from Kunming to Rakhine. They will work with any party in the conflict to accomplish these objectives—and that is in essence what they are doing,” Nielsen says.

Jason Tower, Director for Myanmar at the United States Institute of Peace, says there must be a regional approach to the crisis, as companies closely aligned with the junta operate in neighboring states. If the U.S. and allies can convince Myanmar’s neighbors, including Thailand and India, to crack down on these firms, it could have a dramatic effect on the cash flowing to military leaders.

But the window for such action may be closing. Cambodia has taken over chairmanship of ASEAN in 2022. And Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen—no friend of democracy— has given a conditional invitation the Myanmar coup leader . Last year, the nine countries barred the Myanmar junta’s representative from attending its meetings.

Increasingly many activists say they cannot rely on the international community to support their cause of restoring a democratic government in Myanmar. They are putting their faith in ethnic minority militias that have long fought the Tatmadaw, and the People’s Defense Force —an armed group composed of members of Myanmar’s exiled shadow government and pro-democracy protesters. “If we want to be free, we have to fight for ourselves,” says Zarni.

Many major global cities saw a significant decrease in competitiveness during the COVID-19 pandemic, as governments tightened border restrictions and imposed tough social distancing restrictions, according to the 2021 Global Power City Index (GPCI).

It remains to be seen whether, in the post-pandemic world of work , these global hubs will retain their ability to attract the highest-caliber workers. But, the 2021 Global Power City Index —produced by the Mori Memorial Foundation’s Institute for Urban Strategies in Tokyo—found most major cities have adapted to work-from-home and hybrid work trends.

Peter Dustan, a researcher at the Institute for Urban Strategies, says that while international travel is still difficult due to COVID restrictions, many cities have begun relaxing social distancing measures, as COVID-19 vaccinations rise. Some cities have also begun requiring proof of vaccination to attend large events, eat at restaurants or use public transit.

Dustan thinks this year’s Power City Index, released Wednesday, is useful for comparing how cities have been affected by COVID-19. “The shape or character of urban attractiveness may shift, but its importance in attracting new business and talent will remain,” he says.

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For instance, Hong Kong, which has ranked in the top 10 each year for the past seven years, slid to 13th place from ninth in 2020. Hong Kong’s government has among the toughest COVID-19 border restrictions in the world, with up to three weeks of mandatory hotel quarantine for travelers. The Asian financial hub also had the biggest decline in the number of air passengers, at 88%.

London continues to be the most attractive city, according to the Global Power City Index, but its overall score dipped, with the report’s authors attributing the decline to both the pandemic and Brexit, which hampered its economy and global accessibility. “The fact that all other European cities increased their economy scores suggests that the U.K.’s exit from the EU is beginning to have an impact, allowing other European cities to start catching up to London,” the institute said.

Tokyo improved its overall scores, in large part due to the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics and improvements in work flexibility as Japan adapts to work from home .

The Global Power City Index evaluates and ranks global cities by their “magnetism” using 70 indicators across six categories: economy, research and development, cultural interaction, livability, environment and accessibility.

In the 48 cities assessed this year, the study saw accessibility taking a huge hit; compared to the year before the global pandemic began, the frequency of international flights between these cities decreased nearly 50%.

But the Institute for Urban Strategies reported some positive changes in the 48 cities despite fewer people moving between them—more than half of them saw an increase in co-working spaces and a decline in working hours.

Here are the Global Power City Index’s top 10 world cities:

1. London
2. New York
3. Tokyo
4. Paris
5. Singapore
6. Amsterdam
7. Berlin
8. Seoul
9. Madrid
10. Shanghai